By Marcelo Svirsky
Controversially, Svirsky argues that the Zionist political undertaking can't be fastened - it truly is person who negatively impacts the lives of its beneficiaries in addition to of its sufferers. as an alternative, the e-book goals to generate a reflective perspective, permitting Jewish-Israelis to discover how they might divest themselves of Zionist identities via enticing with dissident rationalities, practices and institutions.
Ultimately, the creation of army and expertise that is helping Israel regulate the lives of Palestinians, of separate regulations, legislation and areas for Jews and Palestinians, are all associated with the construction of Zionist subjectivities and modes of being. Overcoming those modes of being is to after Israel.
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Extra info for After Israel: Towards Cultural Transformation
Like the literature I referred to above, the Tel Aviv University collection suffers from that academic disorder, so prevalent among political scientists, of disjointing a given actuality and its already existing ruptures. However, in this collection Grinberg departs from the consensus: he rightly calls for engaging a renewed political imagination of the present and also states that, in order to seriously address the issue of future relations between Israelis and Palestinians, we should reject the two states/one state debate and focus on the construction of new common institutions (2012: 142–54).
So, roughly, utopian thought dissipates as the eyes fill up with addictive rations of national commitment, blinding people from viewing the alternatives, and with postmodern pleasure dazzling them from seeing the necessity for alternatives. But Israel is not Tel Aviv, far from it. 19 Extreme neoliberal policies, such as those Israel’s administrations have been adopting for the past twenty years or so, have lethally wounded the sense of satisfaction of many, and people do question their political leadership and their position in society.
Whereas the idea of a post-national and democratic unified state for Jews and Palestinians is engaging and I personally support it, structural priority must be given to immediate transformative practices, affects and concepts. Therefore, the reduction of the ‘Sea to the River’ structure (the one-state condition) into a catalyst to change the plausibility of normative models for Palestinians and Jews in the Middle East crystallises a debate that, in more ways than one, hinders the engagement with the pressing question: how do we actually move away from the one-state condition?