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By Cherine Hussein

Providing the 1st in-depth highbrow and organizational mapping of the one kingdom idea’s fresh resurgence in Palestine/Israel, this e-book enquires into its nature as a phenomenon of resistance, in addition to into its strength as a counterhegemonic strength within the making opposed to the techniques of Zionism.

Reconstructing this second of re-emergence via fundamental fabric and interviews with various influential intellectuals—its research highlights their self-understandings, worldviews, ideas and perceptions of the phenomenon during which they're concerned, whereas wondering even if the only country notion has the aptitude to turn into a Gramscian encouraged flow of resistance opposed to Zionism. In proposing this infrequent perception right into a resistance stream within the making, this e-book resurrects an empowering photo of Antonio Gramsci infused with the writings of Edward stated. This it does as a way to either problematize the dominant interpretations of Gramsci’s writings in diplomacy, and to decolonise the summary manner during which resistance and counter hegemony are usually studied within the self-discipline.

Contributing a mapping of a silenced replacement and hopeful approach ahead within the context of escalating violence, this publication is vital interpreting for these learning the Arab-Israeli clash, center East Politics and foreign Relations.

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Extra resources for The Re-Emergence of the Single State Solution in Palestine/Israel: Countering an Illusion

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1971: 349) and that the creation of a new conception of the world is synonymous with the creation of a new type of civil and political society. Hence, the elaboration of a new conception of the world marks the beginning of an energizing project of counterhegemony—one that centres around the power of critical pedagogy to revolutionize possibilities on the ground. One that, to return to Zinn, paves the way towards “the possibility of sending this spinning top of a world in a different direction” (Zinn, 2007: 270).

Said also argues that this is a reflection of the fact that while “Foucault’s theories move criticism from a consideration of the signifier to a signifier’s place, a place rarely innocent, dimensionless, or without the affirmative authority of discursive discipline” (Said 1983: 220), Foucault stops there and appears uninterested in broaching the question of why this is the case (Said 1983). As such, for Said, “Foucault’s flawed attitude to power derives from his insufficiently developed attention to the problem of historical change” (Said 1983: 222).

We’re back to the Eighteenth Brumaire … We’re not always necessarily condemned to repeat the past. I’m trying, here, to move toward some notion of a universalism … it has to be universally accepted that certain democratic freedoms, certain freedoms from domination of one kind or another, freedom from various kinds of exploitations, and so on, are the rights of every human being—which is not the framework of the imperial world in which we live. (Said 1994: 14) Thus, it is a struggle that must begin with the tensions and irreconcilabilities that exist within situated contested geographies, and aspires to a form of reconciliation that is not based upon the imperial impulses of partition, nationalism, or separation (Said et al.

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